The rise of Pakistan's army
Pakistan's army has dominated the country's affairs
Military influence has been strong for several historical reasons.
When Pakistan emerged as
a sovereign state in August 1947, it brought together disparate
Muslim-majority provinces of the former British colony with limited
experience of integration.
No civilian-political institution existed at the time of independence, other
than the imperial bureaucracy and military.
Being a country shaken at its birth by the bloody riots marking Partition,
Pakistan's early years were a time of efforts to build everything from
scratch.
With resources in short supply, expectations raised by heady rhetoric and a
largely inexperienced political elite, Pakistan soon became dependent on the
two best-organised institutions.
They were the civilian and military bureaucracies.
The political elite's standing eroded after the death of Pakistan founder
and Muslim League leader, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, in 1948, and the
assassination of his successor, Liaquat Ali, shortly afterwards in an
abortive coup.
Only national institution
In a country riven by ethnic and sectarian divisions, the military,
dominated by the majority Punjabi and influential Pashtun communities, saw
itself as the only truly national institution.
The army filled the void of a civilian political institution
Its long stints in power during which civilian institutions were stunted
have given it the ability to subvert civilian institutions.
This power grew significantly after military dictator General Zia ul-Haq
helped US President Ronald Reagan's war against Soviet forces in
Afghanistan.
At this time Islamists secured their position in the elite and encouraged
their cadres to join the army as officers.
This resulted in a polarisation between religious and secular schools that
would divide the force for years.
Pervez Musharraf's coup in 1999 strengthened the secular tendencies in the
army, but has not guaranteed its permanence.
The domestic political consequences of Islamabad joining the war on terror,
the withdrawal of Inter Services Intelligence support from the Taleban and
militants fighting in Kashmir, and the sectarian violence across Pakistan,
mean that national politics remains febrile, and stability fragile.
President Musharraf's army rule has met some resistance
The army's hold is being contested in many areas, and this is often viewed
by the establishment as a threat to national integrity.
Given the history of coups, President Musharraf and his team will do
everything they can do under the law to erase the symptoms if not the
malaise itself.
That would explain the arrest of the leader of the Alliance for the
Restoration of Democracy (ARD), Makhdoom Javed Hashmi, detained on 29
October 2003 and accused of defaming the military.
Role of the US
The Pakistan army also grew in size, strength and influence because of
assistance from the US.
In 1953, the US, in its efforts to build a bulwark south of the Soviet
Union, signed several military agreements with countries in the region,
including Pakistan.
Large sums of money and military supplies started arriving and continued to
do so until the second India-Pakistan war in 1965.
Initially, the civil and military bureaucracies worked as partners, but
since General Ayub Khan's first period of martial law in 1957, the civil
service has played second fiddle.
The bureaucrats provide the brains, as it were, to the army's brawns, in
running the country.
General Khan's so-called decade of development saw stability and growth.
But the defeat in the 1965 war led to the army's invincibility being
challenged by an increasingly vocal opposition.
This became a surge after his protege, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, deserted him and
established the Pakistan People's Party.
In 1969, protests spearheaded by students led to a second takeover - by
General Yahya Khan, the army chief.
Inner contradictions
His efforts to restore democracy and introduce a universal adult franchise
showed up Pakistan's inner contradictions.
The majority-province of East Pakistan elected a party demanding provincial
autonomy to what should have been a clear majority in Pakistan's
legislature.
The refusal by Mr Bhutto and the army to accept this led to violent
resistance in East Pakistan.
General Zia-ul Haq helped the US against the Soviets in Afghanistan
This led to a military crackdown, civil war, Pakistan's military defeat and
the emergence of Bangladesh.
The dishonour and shame suffered by the army has never been forgotten.
However, failings by Mr Bhutto allowed the army a way back to power.
His increasingly authoritarian rule gave rise to growing political
opposition, giving the army a handle.
Mr Bhutto's ousting in 1977 and execution in 1979 showed the army's capacity
to topple elected leaders.
Mr Bhutto, ironically, was himself partially responsible for restoring the
military's influence.
He deployed the army and the air force to fight a feudal-tribal-Marxist
guerrilla force in Balochistan Province.
And he encouraged young PPP cadres to join the force as officers, although
this was not looked upon by senior generals particularly favourably.
