‘Sense of Proportion’
By: Husain Haqqani

General Tommy Franks, credited with planning and commanding the American-led wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, has decided to retire at the end of his tenure as commander-in-chief of the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM). General Franks was considered for the position of Army Chief of Staff, a Washington-based job, but he turnd it down saying that he found the job title interesting but "not on my scope". General Franks decided to end his military career on a high note.

Compare General Franks’ choice of retirement with General Pervez Musharraf’s reluctance to give up a general’s uniform in return for Pakistan’s presidency. General Musharraf has already extended his own tenure as army chief, following in the footsteps of several of his military predecessors. He is now willing to accept nagging political controversy and the attending instability while seeking to combine the jobs of head of state and military chief.

The difference between the choices of General Franks and General Musharraf is the difference between a society under rule of law and a society run according to the law of rulers. General Franks is assured of a place in history in a country where former officials are respected even when out of office and where the achievement of individuals is admired irrespective of their political beliefs or views.

Pakistan’s inability to create rule of law has resulted in a political culture obsessed with those wielding power at any given time. Those out of office are denied respect and recognition to the extent that sometimes their names are removed from plaques installed when they wielded power.

It is possible that General Musharraf is unwilling to relinquish his military rank out of fear that once he does that he would face the same process of erasure from history. But even if he manages to ride out the current political crisis, General Musharraf cannot rule (or live) forever. It would be far better for Pakistan if the nation went through a process of national reconciliation, which allows a more honest appraisal of Pakistani history, and honors (or at least recognizes) all those who have held high office. Once the mistakes of civilians and the military have been identified – be they the alleged corruption of civilian politicians or the extra-constitutional intrigues of military officers – the nation can get on with adherence to its constitution and to building rule of law.

Clinging to office is not the only sphere in which Pakistan’s leaders lack a sense of proportion. There is also a blind spot in dealing with alleged mistakes and crimes of the influential and powerful. The Americans deposed Richard Nixon for violating the constitution but also accepted his pardon by his successor, President Gerald Ford. When President Clinton was accused of accepting wrongful financial contributions and of lying in relation to a sexual relationship, he was subjected to legal process but allowed to carry on in office once the prosecution failed.

In Pakistan, on the other hand, there is no willingness to close a chapter and start a new one. Take the case of Asif Ali Zardari, who has now been in prison since 1996 facing relentless prosecution. The military-intelligence establishment has failed to convict Mr. Zardari despite changes in law and reshuffling of judges. Instead of accepting its failure and allowing the nation to move on, the establishment continues to hold Mr. Zardari hostage to influence the political decisions of his spouse, Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. General Musharraf and his colleagues say they are convinced of Mr. Zardari’s guilt and will not release him come what may. But their decision has done little to unfreeze the country’s politics, which remains polarized and will remain so until Ms. Bhutto is allowed a free hand at a normal political cycle.

General Musharraf and his military colleagues have been seeking the revival of training programs for Pakistani military officers in the United States. As they learn the tactics of war from the American military, they should not ignore the lessons of American politics and history that could be useful for Pakistan.