No 'undue favours'
By Senator Farhatullah Babar
If the
government accepts huge contingent liabilities of a subsidiary of Fauji
Foundation, is the Foundation still a private concern? Farhatullah Babar
The managing director of Fauji Foundation, Lt. Gen. Amjad (retired),
finally broke his silence on the conflict between the Foundation and the
Senate on the question of turf. In an interview with The News (Islamabad
edition, June 11), he said that he would not appear before the Senate's
Defence Committee to be quizzed about the sale of Khoski Sugar Mills.
The Foundation is a private concern and there is no law under which he
can be asked to appear before such a body, he argued.
General Amjad was appointed as managing director of Fauji Foundation on
April 4, 2002, while still in uniform, and his appointment order was
issued by the GHQ. Would the GHQ or the Defence Ministry issue the
appointment orders of a serving officer to a private foundation like,
say, the Edhi Foundation?
According to him the foundation is a "trust meant to undertake
commercial activities." A trust is a statutory body that exists and
functions under the Charitable Endowment Act, 1890. The Foundation owes
its birth to an Act of Parliament, which has every right to oversee the
organisation.
The working of the foundation is overseen by a committee of
administration appointed by the government under Section 13 of the Act.
With the secretary of defence as chairman, it has five three-star
officers of the defence services. Is there any private entity whose
management is in the hands of a committee which has a federal secretary
as its chairman and senior generals as its members?
It has also been claimed that as a corporate body the Foundation was not
getting a single penny from the government, that it has not received any
"undue favour" from the government.
But in May 2003, FFC Jordan, a subsidiary of Fauji Foundation, was
bailed out of financial crisis by the government using the taxpayers'
money to the tune of several billion rupees. According to the Economic
Survey of 2005-06 (page 214) the government accepted contingent
liabilities of over one billion rupees on behalf of FFC Jordan. The
foundation must be the only private entity whose liability the
government thus owned. Is this not "undue favour"?
Asked whether the government questioned the FFC Jordan management about
the sugar mills deal, Gen. Amjad said: "The Ministry of Defence had
checked the issue and Fauji Foundation had replied to it." If it is okay
for the Defence Ministry to question the "private entity," why is it not
okay for the Parliamentary Committee to probe both the Foundation and
the parent ministry?
The Foundation's boss claims that even the army chief had not questioned
him about the sugar mills deal. Why should he cite the approval of the
army chief as proof of sound management of what he claims is a "private
entity"?
The Defence Ministry baffled everyone when, after ordering an inquiry
into the sale of Khoski Sugar Mills, it took the position that
Parliament had no right to quiz the foundation. But the chairman of the
Senate committee mocked at himself and at Parliament when, accepting
this position of the ministry, he cancelled the requisition.
In making this weird interpretation, the Foundation and the Ministries
of Law and Defence seem to have ignored the verdict of the Supreme Court
in the case of Fauji Foundation vs Shamimur Rehman. According to the
verdict, "the Fauji Foundation is solely wedded for providing financial
assistance to the serving as well as ex-servicemen of the Armed Forces,
which cannot otherwise be but for the public welfare or public
interest." (PLD 1983 SC 457)
Having been declared a "public welfare" organisation working in "public
interest" by the Supreme Court and with the foregoing reasons, this
interpretation can be advanced only by those who have only contempt for
Parliament, the Constitution and the judiciary. It brings to mind what
General Zia once said, "What is a Constitution? A mere 15-page document
which I can tear at will."
To be fair, the Fauji Foundation director's illogical assertions can be
explained away as a common human failing, and perhaps pardonable. Who
would like to be questioned by those generally considered "ignorant and
corrupt"? It takes great courage to step forward and engage in an
eyeball-to-eyeball dialogue to clear one's name and reputation. It takes
the humility of a saint to admit a mistake or misjudgement.
But the acceptance by the chairman of the Standing Committee of the
Senate of the opinion of the government ministries without a moment's
reflection, without regard to rules, without consultation and without
demur is indeed most baffling. It signifies the shameful undercutting of
Parliament by a member of Parliament.
"President Musharraf knows me and my integrity," says the Foundation's
boss. When he was NAB chairman in 2000, The News had asked Gen. Amjad
about evidence against the corrupt. The NAB will bring up charges, he
had replied, adding: "The accused should prove himself innocent." (The
News, April 24, 2000). Five years later, himself in the dock, he seems
to think the President's endorsement has established his innocence and
that Parliament is irrelevant.
He seems to think that Fauji Foundation is in adverse limelight simply
because his detractors want to paint him black. "The Foundation will
disappear from the newspapers after I relinquish charge in five months,"
he says. But since he was appointed managing director of the Foundation
in April 2002, until April 21, 2005, when the bombshell was thrown in
the National Assembly, no one talked of the Foundation.
The writer is a PPP Senator and member of the Defence Committee of the
Senate
Email:
drkhshan@isb.comsats.net.pk
