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Manifesto - 1970
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Islam is our Faith
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Democracy is our
Policy
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Socialism is our
Economy
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All Power to the
People
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INTRODUCTION
Expressing pithily the nature of its
ideology, encompasses the whole programme of the Party set out in this
Election Manifesto.
The substance and spirit of the Party's
programme demands, and activities obey the teachings of Islam. The Party
will countenance no laws repugnant to Islam and Qur'an.
The Party's positive proposals derive
from the spirit and principles which are contained in the injunctions of
the Faith. 'The equality of Muslims enjoined by Islam can be possible
only in an economic and social structure so built as to realize it in
practice. That can be a better manifestation of Muslim fraternity than
institutions based on mutual co-operation. The Party aims to introduce
real democracy in the political field, for which the first condition is
the abolition of privileges and the transfer of power to the people.
Political privileges are inseparably related to economic privileges and
inequalities. In calling for a socialistic solution to the country's
problems the Party Manifesto proclaims the only correct way to deal with
them.
Political parties have been in the
habit for decades of emitting, for public consumption at election time,
manifestos chock-full of vote-catching promises, fine sentiments and
strings of demands. Such manifestos of traditional political parties
have had no connection with the real intentions of their leaders. The
result has been that, like bad currency, election manifestos have
suffered value depreciation in the eyes of the people all too often
deceived.
This Manifesto of the
Pakistan People's Party is not of the old type of other political
parties. It is a solemn pledge to the people that the Party will
endeavour by all means, with or without elections, to fulfill in
practice the programme contained therein.
I-THE CRISIS
a) A Nation
Betrayed
The general will of the Muslims of
this Asian sub-continent founded the State of Pakistan, which stands
today as a monument to their unfulfilled hopes and aspirations. They
wanted its citizens to live in freedom, a nation progressive and
prosperous, powerful and pledged to shield from oppression Muslims in
the other part. The new State so resplendent with noble purpose, as it
seemed in the beginning, has fallen prey to internal weaknesses, grown
forgetful of its own people's welfare, not to speak of its neglected
duty towards the Muslims of India.
There is no need to delve into the
past history of Pakistan's origin to determine the future shape of the
country's society, its economy, its politics, its obligations. It is a
sovereign nation, a national state; governing themselves democratically,
its people will decide what their society's character should be. No
people in their right senses can desire the aim of the state's policy to
be the increase of poverty, general misery of the masses, rampant
corruption, demoralization of all classes. The people must have desired
the opposite of the condition to which they have been reduced; they must
have desired rapid economic progress, education, good health, social
justice, the equitable distribution of wealth, in short, a better way of
life than the ancient one of servitude and degradation.
Before going further, we must first
understand exactly what Pakistan’s condition is, and how Pakistan is
situated in the world. She is one of the poorest among nations. Not only
poverty but all the attendant consequences of poverty afflict her people
to the maximum degree-ignorance, intellectual sterility, ill-health,
dishonesty, crime, corruption, superstitions. All the forms of
oppression by authority and by those who exercise power on account of
their riches are to be found here.
The average life expectation of a
Pakistani is only 33 years, a figure which compares unfavourably even
with the 45 years for an Indian and is less than half the 70 for a
Briton. While poverty may be the indirect cause of high mortality, the
health needs of the masses have 'been grossly neglected because every
government of this country has followed the policy of concentrating
expenditure in the domains that benefit the privileged classes. 'To this
same policy must be attributed the very high illiteracy rate-among the
highest in the world and not decreasing either-and the steady
deterioration of educational standards. If we were to probe deeper into
the causes of the iniquitous taxation, the inefficiency of governmental
administration when it is not corrupt also, the prevalence of dishonesty
in business, and the other evils which put their specific stamp on life
in our country, we shall find that they are connected with the sort of
capitalist structure that has been built upon the theory that the
concentration of wealth leads to economic progress.
Those classes who know themselves
guilty of wrongs done to the nation and the reactionary political
parties whose eyes are forever turned backwards, attempt. Now to divert
attention by proclaiming themselves champions of fanciful ideologies
which they ascribe to the original purpose of Pakistan.
To make matters worse, these are men,
some of whom hostile to the very conception. of Pakistan, who are now
condemning all Pakistani Muslims, except themselves and their followers,
as unbelievers, if ' they will not subscribe to the sanctity of economic
exploitation and social injustice. This appeal to ignorant fanaticism is
dangerous not only to the State but to the unity of Muslims as Muslims.
We, on the other hand, appeal to
reason, to the accumulated wealth of human knowledge, to the methods and
techniques devised by human ingenuity through the centuries, to show the
way out of our national misery towards life worthy of a great people.
The real problems that confront the nation are political and economic,
but not religious, since both exploiters and exploited profess the same
faith--both are Muslims.
Many governments have come and gone,
but the trend towards the relative impoverishment of the people, the
enrichment of privileged classes and the growth of parasitic vested
interests, has proceeded without abatement. All the past governments are
certainly to blame for their wrong policies; but they could not act
otherwise than they did, being the representatives of class and vested
interests. They could not be expected to change the system, when their
vocation lay in developing it for the profit of the classes on whose
behalf they were in power.
b) Prey to
Neocolonialism
Direct colonial rule left behind as
its legacy a social and economic order in Pakistan which could be
defined as feudal-military-bureaucratic. All the progress since has been
its transformation into a dependent capitalist system typical of
underdeveloped countries within the imperialist neocolonialist power
sphere. We may say with truth, that from being the emancipated subject
of one imperial colonialist power Pakistan has become the camp-follower
of all imperialist-neocolonialist powers.
At the end of the Second World War,
the Western colonialist powers proceeded, under American guidance, to
adapt their methods of' exploitation to new conditions. Direct rule over
subject peoples was given up, but the former possessions remained bound
by economic, political and military compulsion to the former rulers. The
exploitation of the newly independent countries had to continue for the
good of all thc advanced capitalist countries. In the first stage of
expanding capitalism, the need had been for markets and sources of raw
material. In the next stage, the capitalist countries were investing
capital in underdeveloped regions where labour was cheap and the
necessary natural resources present. In the third, the demand for
minerals and oil, of which deposits are found in underdeveloped
countries, went up enormously in the industrial countries of the West.
Now, industrial capitalist countries
must sell their products to underdeveloped countries to buy the
necessary raw materials which these can supply, and must invest some
capital abroad to exploit such natural resources as oil and minerals.
But the neocolonialist sells capital goods wanted in the underdeveloped
countries at high prices and buys their products in return at prices for
below what they should be. Pakistan is seriously affected by the prices
of primary commodities in the world market, which have been falling for
years, so that at the present moment they stand at some 25% lower than
in the early ‘50’s. The prices of capital goods, which we need to
establish industries, have risen considerably and keep rising. An
increase of only 5% in prices of the primary commodities would more than
offset the sum of private and public capital and of governments' grants
to the underdeveloped countries all put together. This difference
between the falling prices of primary products and the rising cost of
acquiring capital goods is an essential feature of neocolonialist
exploitation. If an underdeveloped country bases its development
programme on the conditions set by the neocolonialist powers, it will
make very slow, if any progress at all. A measure of the exploitation of
underdeveloped countries within the neocolonialist sphere is furnished
by the fact that the economic gap between them and the industrial
countries is widening, whereas the development plans sponsored by the
Western capitalist states should have had the effect of narrowing it, if
they were not designed simply to preserve the ascendancy of
neocolonialist powers. The terms on which economic aid is given betray
the underlying neocolonialist policy.
Another course than the one the
government of Pakistan always chose to maintain was theoretically
possible, a course taking the nation away from the neocolonialist
sphere.
Before the Marshall Plan had completed
the work of rehabilitating war-damaged West European economy, such a
decision could have been implemented with little trouble. The
underdeveloped countries outside the
neocolonialist power sphere have made spectacular progress, in glaring
contrast to the plight of the others. The lesson must be learned from
the facts.
c) Internal
Colonial Structure
Pakistan is geographically separated
in two parts, of which the Eastern was the major producer of exportable
wealth at the time of Partition. The Central Government's expenditure,
however, was mainly in the Western part. Political power lay also in the
West on that account and because of the presence there of an opulent
feudal class. The development schemes w ere so made or implemented by
the Central Government that the private sector under these schemes fell
into the hands of a small number of businessmen who either had their
original homes in West Pakistan or had chosen to settle there.
The politicians of East Pakistan in
government, parliament or outside, seemed oblivious of the danger ahead.
They accepted the notions of development on capitalistic lines. The
result was that East Pakistan was submitted to ruthless exploitation.
The decline of East Pakistan began during the life time of the first
National Assembly, and the farce of the last one under the dictatorship
of a military usurper failed even to disguise the brutal facts.
We must frankly recognize that the
unity of the nation has been gravely imperiled. It is no remedy to brand
the victims of exploitation as traitors because they are driven to
protest against the treatment they receive. Nor does it help to improve
matters by insulting them as bad Muslims.
d) Present
State Untenable
It should also be acknowledged that
development plans on the old pattern, from which our nation has suffered
so much, are incapable of making good the harm already done. During thc
period of all the five-year plans which could effect nothing to prevent
the economic gap between the industrial countries and ours from getting
wider year by year, the disparity between the two Wings kept growing. It
is possible to conceive a separate capitalist-orientated development
plan for East Pakistan, but. the price of a complete division of
Pakistan's economy must then be paid. It is certain that such a plan
would only add a few ‘sons of the soil' to the handful of non-East
Pakistani bankers and industrialists who are at present in control-and
who will remain in control in happy partnership.
As a consequence of the misdeeds of
our rulers, subservience to neocolonialist powers, the adoption of an
economic system permitting outright plunder of the people, the
concentration of wealth in a few hands, the sharing out of power,
employment and sources of wealth between businessmen, big landlords and
the classes that comprise the civil and military hierarchy of
government-all these have brought the country to a crisis, another word
for general ruin. It should be noted that the corruption of government
and other public servants is only a symptom and not the cause of the
disease; for the thread of corruption runs right through the social
strata. Neither is the world situation the cause of this crisis.
Although comparisons can be drawn between what is happening in our
country and what has been happening elsewhere in the neocolonialist
power sphere, the nature of this present crisis has features
specifically Pakistani.
The ruling clique supporting the
vested interests of banking industry and commerce, have nothing to offer
to save the situation except the same old magical incantations of
budgetary formulas and development plans. With rising prices, the
working class, the lower middle class, and all sorts of employees with
fixed incomes are being rapidly impoverished.. The rising cost of living
is the weapon for expropriating wage-workers, salary earners, artisans
and a good section of the professional class. The value of earnings
falls as the cost of living rises-this is the expropriation of the
earning power and the savings of the people. The capitalist loses
nothing. His invested capital rises in value, be sells at higher prices
the goods he manufactures and trades in, and, to crown all, the
government rewards him with bonuses, the load of which the rest of the
nation must bear. In a desperate attempt to save the capitalist system
the government is permitting the wholesale expropriation of the
unprivileged people of Pakistan.
The crisis is in the
bones of our rotten system. The Pakistan People's Party programme will
abolish the system itself, seizing the means of production which in the
hands of the privileged few are the means of exploitation. The immediate
need, however, as a financial discipline for any government in power at
this juncture fraught with danger, is to stop the inflationary trend and
do economic justice to the common people. Wages, salaries and pensions
must be pegged to the real value of the currency. This will stop the
thievery of the capitalists and their accomplice the administration. The
government will be compelled to operate within the framework of a stable
currency when the attraction of cheating by inflation has gone.
II - THE GENERAL
AIMS
a) Main
Obstacles
The country is called upon to send
representatives to a National Assembly for the purpose of framing a
constitution. Important as this task may appear, a constitution of
merely democratic form will not meet the needs o£ this country unless it
is so framed as to allow and, indeed, initiate changes in the economic
and social system. It is unlikely that so long as the vested interests
of capitalists and propertied classes remain unchecked any thing but a
constitution tailored to suit them will be the outcome. The crisis will
then continue, to be succeeded by another, still graver. The Party will,
however, endeavour its best to help in making a really progressive
constitution.
The path of Pakistan's progress is
blocked by two obstacles: her socio-economic order and her position as
underdeveloped country within the neocolonialist power sphere. If
progress is not possible, neither will prolonged existence be. The
programme, of the Pakistan People's Party therefore aims at removing
these obstacles by carrying through the necessary fundamental change
demanded by the objective situation.
The true solution lies in adopting a
socialist programme, such as outlined in this 11'Ianifesto, to transform
the economy of the whole of Pakistan, stopping exploitation and
utilizing available means to develop the country without capitalist
intervention.
In this Manifesto attention has been
paid to both conditions:-
(a) the exploitative capitalist
structure of Pakistan, and
(b) Pakistan's situation as an
underdeveloped country within the neocolonialist pourer sphere.
b) Classless
Society
At the Convention in December 1967 in
Lahore, the Pakistan 'People's Party announced the principles for the
practical realization of which it was founded. The ultimate objective of
the Party's policy is the attainment of a classless society, which is
possible only through socialism in our time. This means true equality of
the citizens, fraternity under the rule of democracy in an order based
on economic and social justice. The aims follow from the political and
social ethics of Islam. The Party thus strives to put in practice the
noble ideals of the Muslim Faith.
Since its principal aims are
unattainable by petty adjustments and so long as the unjust order of
society prevails, the Party considers that indulgence in reformist
slogans deceives the people with false hopes, while the country sinks
deeper into the morass of present and additional evils, until finally,
in a situation of despair, explosive violence will take the upper hand.
The Party's endeavour is to bring about peacefully early changes in the
economic structure, leading logically to a juster socio-economic order,
by opening the gates. to progressive change in the direction of the
final goal.
III - FOREIGN POLICY
a) Independent
Policy
It is generally accepted that an
independent foreign policy is an indispensable instrument for
safeguarding and promoting national interest in the sphere of
international relations. However an independent foreign policy is
understood in different senses by different people. We should like to be
precise on our part as to what it means for us.
The first step -must be to get out of'
entanglements with imperialist-neocolonialist powers. The ostensible
objectives, for the sake of which our governments excused participation
in alliances, have either not been fulfilled or have even been
frustrated on account of the alliances. On thc other hand, Pakistan has
been made use of as a pawn in the international game by her
neocolonialist allies. · The first condition, therefore, for avoiding
neocolonialist dictation of policy' is for Pakistan to withdraw from the
SEATO and the CENTO pacts. The way will than be swept clean for what is
in Pakistan's interest and in the interest of all Asian countries- the
release from neocolonial interference in their affairs.
Among other harms done, these two
pacts have curtailed Pakistan's freedom of action in obtaining the
liberation of Kashmir and righting the territorial and other wrongs
suffered by her.
b) Relations
with Great Powers
The imperialist-neocolonialist war
menace in Asia is close at the doors of Pakistan. Pakistan has already
had experience of American interference in her internal affairs, and of
how dangerous a situation could result from the stationing of American
military personnel in her territory, when Pakistan became involved in
dispute with the Soviet Union over the U-2 American spy plane. Pakistan
will not allow foreign countries to interfere in her internal affairs.
No permission to neocolonialist powers will be granted to station any
sort of personnel meant for war purposes on, or to overfly for any
reason connected with military strategy, any part of the territory of
Pakistan.
Pakistan will support the cause of all
oppressed peoples in their struggle against imperialist and
neocolonialist powers, in particular the cause of the heroic people of
Vietnam who have for long years held the imperialist aggressors at bay.
We shall join hands with other nations in an effort to bring about the
evacuation of Asian soil occupied by the military forces of the United
States and other Western colonialist powers. With the great powers
Pakistan will maintain good relations on the basis of reciprocity, but
will not compromise in any manner her stand supporting liberation
movements all over the world and actions to remove neocolonialist
encroachments on Asian territory.
Now that the white members of the
Commonwealth have all taken the side of the American aggressors against
the Vietnamese people, there is one reason more for Pakistan’s leaving
the Commonwealth. The fact must be recognized that the conception or a
multiracial Commonwealth has lost any meaning it night have had at one
time. Even its economic advantages have been lost. On the other hand,
the commonwealth has been serving the neocolonialist interests of its
white members. Pakistan will leave the Commonwealth at the appropriate
opportunity.
c)
Confrontation with India
Towards India, a, policy of
confrontation. will be maintained until the question of Kashmir, Farakka,
Beruberi, and other pending matters are settled. Entirely in consonance
with the principle of supporting liberation movements, Pakistan will
support the cause of the people of Assam who are fighting for their
independence.
Tasbkent:
The Tashkent Declaration will be
repudiated, being a treaty extorted under duress. No negotiations with
India may be conducted under the cover of this invalid treaty.
Farakka: To negotiations on this vital
issue a time limit must 'b e set. Pakistan has inalienable riparian
rights under recognized international law. That this dispute is not
being solved is greatly owing to the patronage India enjoys from the
part of neocolonialist powers.
d) Solidarity
with Muslim Peoples
Pakistan will follow a positive policy
to promote solidarity among Muslim peoples.
Israel: Israel is a colony implanted
on Arab soil. The Arabs are the victims of a Zionist aggression aided
and abetted principally by Western capitalist powers. Complete and
unreserved support to Arab states and the Palestinian liberation
movement in their fight against Israel will be given by Pakistan.
e) Solidarity
with other Oppressed Peoples
The Eritrean people fighting for their
nationhood have the sympathy of our people and will be afforded
Pakistani support.
An active policy will be pursed to
combat racialism everywhere. In this connection Pakistan must express
her sympathy in practical manner with the coloured population of the
United States, against whom discrimination is being practiced and whose
manpower is being misused as cannon-fodder to suppress the liberties of
Asians in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.
Pakistan will make what effort she can
in the diplomatic sphere to help the oppressed peoples of Latin America
in their struggle against neocolonialism. The movement for the
solidarity of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America will be
promoted.
f) Pakistanis
Abroad
Pakistanis working abroad for their
livelihood are in many places being made to suffer humiliating
disabilities. It will be imperative duty of the Pakistan government to
protect the rights of al its nationals living in foreign countries,
especially the working people whose labour is adding wealth to the
employing country but is being rewarded with ingratitude.
g) Counterpart
Funds
The counterpart funds that arise
from foreign aid must be more strictly controlled than at present. The
counter-part funds must be kept with the State Bank and may not be used
for any political purpose.
IV - INDUSTRIAL
MEASURES
a) Mixed
Economy
The party accepts the possibility of a
mixed economy – the existence of a private alogside a nationalized
sector, sources of the production of wealth will be placed. The private
sector will offer opportunities for individual initiative in the areas
of production where small enterprises can be efficient. Monopoly
conditions will be abolished, so that private enterprise will function
according to the rules of competition.
All production of wealth is the result
of human labour. Exploitation in capitalist society depends on the
possession of the means of production by the capitalist. In big
industries the capitalist plays no nationally useful role, but collects
his profit and exploits the labour of others, for his factories are run
by technicians, his goods are produced by the labour of the
wage-earners, and even the direction of an enterprise need not be the
factory owner’s. In Pakistan, the concentration of wealth is so
excessive that the benefits of industrilization are being passed on
neither to the wage-earners nor even to the greater part of the middle
classes who constitute the salary earners and professional men with high
educational qualifications, such as government officials, except through
corruption. The necessary services of education and health, housing and
public amenities, are being neglected because the surplus value of
production is going into the pockets of the exploiters or spent for
administration and defence, and therefore little is available for the
general welfare of the nation. The evil is inherent in the system.
Taxation tricks, petty reforms, moral exhortation, are subterfuges to
deceive the people for preserving the system intact.
b)
Nationalization of Industries
On the public sector will be all basic
and key industries. The principal ones are:-
1. Iron and steel
2. Non-ferrous metals
3. Heavy
engineering
4. Machine Tools
5. Chemicals
6. Ship building
7. Motor car assembly and
manufacturing
8. Equipment for electrical
power production, distribution and use
9. Electronics
10. Production of arms,
ammunition and armaments for defence.
11. Cement
12. Paper
To these will be added the new
industries which must be established to enable the autonomous growth of
the national economy. For example, it will be necessary to
manufacture agricultural machinery and
equipment in Pakistan, and the commonly used hand tools.
All major industries will be
nationalized. This will mean taking over into the public sector textile
and jute mills over a certain production capacity. In private ownership
these have been the sources of excessive profits, inefficient
production, wastage of resources and unhindered exploitation of workers.
In the public sector will be not only
the large-scale production of electrical power but also all other
sources of energy supply – namely, nuclear material, gas, oil and coal.
All exploitation of mineral wealth,
both mining and ore-processing, will be in the public sector.
The public sector will completely
contain the following major means of public transport, railways,
shipping and airways and airways. It will also take over public road
transport, whether of passengers or goods, when it is necessary to run
it on a large scale. A special concern will be the conveyance of workers
and employees between their homes and their places of work.
Large-scale export trading, such as of
jute and cotton, will be conducted by- state corporations.
c) Private
Sector
In general, the sector of retail and
distribution will be left in private hands. Nevertheless the formation
of consumer co-operatives, both in urban and rural areas, will be
favoured as this will help to stabilize retail prices.
All manufacture, whether in the public
or the private sector, will he strictly regulated according to quality
norms. Manufactured goods will have to fulfill the condition of coming
upto at least the minimum norm required by the regulations. Goods that
fall short of standard may not be sold. The quality and purity of drugs
will be strictly regulated.
Existing laws applicable against the
adulteration of foodstuffs appear to be ineffective. Proper food laws
have not yet been promulgated in Pakistan such as have been in many
other countries. Food laws, in consonance with accepted international
standards, will be enforced, covering eatables, natural and processed.
Efficient artisanal production will be
encouraged by affording the small enterprises the opportunity of
acquiring efficient working tools and machinery. Factory halls, equipped
with power, water and other facilities, will be constructed where
artisans and small entrepreneurs can rent floor space for their
workshops. This will give the workmen better hygienic conditions of
labour and help to separate living quarters from the place of work. This
scheme is also likely to reduce the cost of production. Such centers of
production will be incorporated in town planning projects.
To encourage artisanal skill,
technical institutions will be established for the purpose of imparting
education and skill to the artisan class and those who work in
small-scale enterprises. A system of apprenticeship and qualification by
diploma for grade of master workman will also be introduced.
V - FINANCIAL
MEASURES
a)
Nationalization Policy
The possession of money institutions
in the hands of private parties is the source of exploitation which uses
national wealth and private deposits to create money for the financing
of monopoly capitalists. All big industries have been set up entirely on
bank loans, which means, on the money of the depositors. Such loans can
be said to have been the misappropriation of public money by the
bankers. To this short of abuse, which is inherent I any system where
banks are in private hands, there has been added the control of banks in
cartels belonging to industrial families.
Unless the State takes hold of all the
banks by making them national property, it will not be able to check
inflation. The State's financial policy is at present a prisoner of the
bankers.
All banks and insurance companies will
be forthwith nationalized.
b) Investment
Policy
Not only to finance industrial
development and expansion of the social services but also to pass on to
the people a share of accruing prosperity, a system of public investment
corporations will be established to attract savings. Direct investment
in any national concern will not be possible; therefore the necessity
for special institutions, these investment corporations, through which
investments will be distributed among the enterprises in their
respective sectors. Shares held by non-capitalists in nationalized
industries will be converted into investment corporation shares.
A minimum dividend rate will be
guaranteed. This policy will help enforce good financial management,
guaranteeing at the same time the unhindered flow of savings into
investment. Since the financial policy will be to keep the purchasing
power of the currency stable, even a small dividend will have greater
value than larger dividends in the chaotic profit system of our present
day, under which the investor hardly gets back anything in return, on
account of currency depreciation.
The whole policy and dishonest methods
of bonus vouchers, tax holidays, and so on, will be unnecessary as more
than 80o% of the industrial sector will not be in private hands. The
self financing of industries will be genuinely from surplus value of
production and not, so .often as at present, at the expense of the
consumer and tax payer.
c) Reform of
Taxation System
The establishment of a socialist order
will, naturally, change the present basis of taxation, which being
designed for a capitalistic society favours the accretion of wealth with
the privileged classes. It is a fallacious belief that taxation methods
by themselves in a capitalistic society are cable of equalizing incomes.
This belief is sedulously fostered by the vested interests themselves.
Seemingly high taxes have not prevented the accumulation of wealth
amongst a very small class of people in Pakistan, nor done justice to
wither working class or the middle classes with fixed incomes: It must
be understood that taxation is merely a way of providing public
finances, but the money has to come from the surplus value created in
industry, agriculture and the rest of the activities that employ human
labour and effort. High taxation has ultimately to be paid for out of
the price of commodities and services. The capitalist pays, in fact,
least, because the products of his factories carry the taxes. An
equitable social structure cannot be built by taxation alone:
However, even in the interim period
before large-scale socialist reforms axe elected; it will be necessary
to introduce immediate reforms of the present iniquitous and inefficient
taxation system. The taxation structure must be radically simplified. It
should be made easy for the private .tax-payer to assess his liability
to the state without the help of expert guidance. In the present system
the taxes are efficiently collected only from the salaries employees and
other classes with fixed income. The burden of this incidence of
taxation is unduly high upon such classes because others are able to
avoid their tax liabilities.
With the banks being in public
ownership, it will not be then so easy to evade taxation, but the real
remedy lies in the establishment of an economic system that disallows
the growth of a dishonest profiteering class. Another defect of the
present taxation system is that it calls for a huge army of officials,
most of whom do not do a full day’s work. There will be considerable
saving if taxation were simplified.
No tax shall be imposed of which the
collection cost is unreasonably high, a principle which is not being
honoured today. Tax-farming will be prohibited. All public authorities
empowered to collect taxes and other dues shall do so only through their
proper agencies and not by auctioning collection rights.
Directors and high executives of
private and public companies are today being afforded such facilities as
enable them to live a princely life at the cost of the shareholders and
the public exchequer. Expense account exemptions will be drastically
curtailed. In the case of companies that are not nationalized, the state
will prescribe norms for housing, transport and other facilities that
may be borne in the books of the companies on behalf of their employees.
Such measures will have the effect of benefiting the shareholders and
the public exchequer, and by reducing overhead costs make the goods
produced by the companies cheaper.
d) Wasteful
Expenditure of National Wealth
Although Pakistan is a very poor
country, her middle classes are behaving as if they were living in an
affluent consumer society. Their wasteful expenditure is a national
loss. Much of this occurs in the tertiary sector of the economy
connected with advertising and the marketing of goods.
All forms of advertising will be
restricted on the principle that advertisement should be
(a) truthful, and .
(b) purely informative, helping
the prospective customer to know where to buy. the goods or the service
advertised, and their nature and quality.
Competition through
unfair advertising will be disallowed. Strict norms will be laid down
for the advertising of medicines and drugs.
VI - AGRARIAN
MEASURES
a) Patterns of
Proprietorship
Nearly 80% of the population, which
means some 100 million Pakistanis live in the countryside. This ratio
between urban and agricultural population is an indication o£ the
backward economic condition of Pakistan. Another fact is still more
revealing: inspite of its large proportion of working population engaged
in agriculture, our country has often had to import food-grains and the
normal state of affairs is that its agriculture barely supplies the
necessities of life for its people. With such a large population engaged
in agricultural pursuits, one should have expected Pakistan to produce
not only exportable commodities like cotton and jute but at the same
time food-grains in ample quantities to feed its own people. The average
Pakistani gets too little to Eat, insufficient for human energy
requirements for effective work, and, furthermore, his diet is deficient
in respect of proteins and fats, substances necessary for health and
growth. Thus he is not only underfed but badly fed.
It can be said that the main
occupation of Pakistanis, their a agriculture is a colossal failure.
Even with the cultivation techniques and implements at present in use,
it is estimated that about half the agricultural population is virtually
unemployed, and therefore redundant. This hidden unemployment is a
mighty drag upon the country's economy. The under-or unemployed have to
be clothed, housed and fed in any case, and that is being done at the
general poverty level. They represent, however, a manpower capable of
being put to use on works needed to improve agriculture. In this sense,
the hands at present idle in our bad economic system are an immense
potential wealth waiting to become productive. Agricultural programmes
for development must
take into account not only the wasted
labour power of the excessive population but the necessity of coping
with the over-population of rural areas by the removal to urban
complexes of the unwanted excess.
In our great country where physical
and climatic conditions exhibit a wide range of variations, agricultural
problems do the same. Apart from the physical, natural side of the
problems-such as aridity and flooding,-property relations,-such as
landlordism, tenancy, fragmentation, subsistence holdings,-have to be
tackled with. The two Wings show different aspects of the agrarian
situation. The patterns of crops and irrigation ,differ greatly between
the two Wings, and also the patterns of property relations are not the
same. A feudal system of land tenure is prevalent in large parts of West
Pakistan, where it can be said to be the dominating feature. In East
Pakistan, the small holder at subsistence level is the chief
agricultural property owner.
Large estates leased out in lots to
tenants present the same pattern of cultivation as areas belonging to
peasant proprietors. Generally speaking, the size of an individual
holding is small in either case. Unless the estates are cultivated by
hired labour and not on tenancy basis, the resulting aspect is no
different than where peasants have proprietary rights. But the estate
owner takes away a large share of the value produced by his tenants,
without performing any service that cannot be performed by public
authority or the cultivators themselves. Since peasant proprietorship
exists alongside estates cultivated by tenants, one must conclude that
the estate owner is a functional superfluity.
With the reclaiming of land by
irrigation schemes, the landlord class has been growing. Under Ayub
Khan’s regime a systematic policy was being followed of granting fresh
lands on easy terms to privileged classes, members of the ruling clique,
their relatives and other favourites. For the main part such people have
not settled on their estates; they have merely swelled the numbers of
absentee landlords and the agricultural economy has been saddled with
more consumption-orientated non-producers.
The land reforms introduced by Ayub
Khan's regime give the appearance of having broken up the largest
estates, although most of the land affected has continued to remain in
the possession of the feudal class. Since it was legally permitted, the
feudal landowner divided the excess among the members of his family. In
the- best of circumstances, the dispersal of family interests would
require a couple of generations to become effective. The situation is
complicated by the fact that in most parts of West Pakistan the feudal
owners live in a social system of castes, caste-clans, and surviving
traditions of joint families. Thus even with his estate divided in this
manner, the feudal lord retains his power.
The West Pakistani owners of large
estates, the feudal lords, constitute a formidable obstacle to progress.
Not only by virtue of their wealth, but on account of their hold over
their tenants and the neighbouring peasantry, they wield considerable
power and are, even at present, a major political force.
The breaking up of the large estates
to destroy the power of the feudal landowners is a national necessity
that will have to be carried through by practical measures, of which a
ceiling is only a part. The size of the agricultural estate will be
limited by the ceiling, the norm being the ownership of a maxi of 50 to
150 acres of irrigated land, the maximum varying from tract to tract and
being determined on the basis of quality of soil, present productivity
and the availability of irrigation facilities. For what the estate owner
surrenders over and above the prescribed ceiling he will be compensated
in the form of a terminable life annuity, with a maximum duration of
twenty-five years heritable and negotiable within this period. But the
best way is to replace the system of agricultural production in isolated
units by the creation of social co-operative farms as suggested at "C"
below. The estate owner, after he has surrendered his excess holding,
will be eligible, like any other farmer, to join the social cooperative
farm of his area.
There are many peasants who possess
land less than the subsistence unit and must therefore be regarded as a
class from whom land revenue cannot be justifiably demanded.
Moreover, the cost of land revenue
collection from this class is disproportionately high.
The liability for the payment of land
revenue should not be permitted to be passed on to the tenant by the
land-lord, whether in whole or in part. The sharin5 of land revenue
payments by tenants will be prohibited.
b) Party's
Aims
The Party's policy for dealing with
agricultural problems was laid down in the Programmatic Principles
accepted in 1967. Article 6 of the Programmatic Principles states that:
"The Party stands for elimination of
feudalism and will take concrete steps in accordance with the
established principles of socialism to protect and advance thc interests
of thc peasantry".
Further that:
"The promotion of self help groups and
cooperatives is the best way to help the cultivators to improve their
lot"
c) Social
Cooperative Farms
For efficient utilization of land
resources, capital investment in land has to be made. The small holder
has not got the means. Moreover, a good deal of the work to improve
cultivated areas must be extended over many holdings. In other words,
cooperative effort is necessary. This goes beyond the question of
proprietary rights and belongs to the organizational aspect of the
agricultural system.
There are two main lines of attack
which have both to be utilized to raise the level of agricultural
economy. Two positive measures are:
(a) Provision of land to
landless peasants and peasants holding land below the subsistence
level.
(b) Social cooperative farms.
All state lands put under irrigation
or otherwise reclaimed for cultivation will be reserved for landless
peasants or peasants owning less than the subsistence holding.
Social cooperative farms will be
created by grouping together of individual holdings on a voluntary
basis. Each peasant will be left in possession of his individual
holding, but fragmented portions will b consolidated. The farm will
supply labour for common purposes. The co-operative will lend out
agricultural machinery and implements and regulate the supply of water
and distribute fertilizers. The individual farmer will obtain seed, and
market his produce, through the social co-operative. An essential
function of these social co-operative farms is the utilization of
surplus man-power. The policy should be to increase the size of
individual holdings to the optimum in the particular area according to
the prevailing conditions. As methods of cultivation improve, by greater
use of machinery and in other ways, more and more labour will become
redundant in the county-side, except at peak periods, such as harvesting
and transplantation. In the first instance, the co-operatives will
themselves apply the idle manpower available to the work of improving
agricultural conditions-canal digging, house building for school,
communal purposes an residence, planting of forests, and so on.
d) The
Agrovilles
Small towns linked functionally with
the rural areas will be founded. Some 200 such urban settlements, which
we would call "agrovilles", will be necessary to begin with. Being new
urban-settlements they can be planned to offer their inhabitants the
maximum of amenities and participation in civic life. We envisage that
each agroville will have a main square in which civic life will be
focussed. There will be around this centre the town hall, the offices of
the cooperatives, the town library, the civic centre with rooms for
meetings, festivities, clubs and exhibitions.
The agrovilles will function as market
places for the surrounding rural areas and contain establishments for
the storage and processing of agricultural produce. Small manufacture
can thus be scattered all over the country, utilizing local labour and
reducing transport costs. During peak periods, the manpower available in
these agrovilles can be sent into the countryside for work. Repair
workshops for agricultural machinery in the agroville make machinery
maintenance economical for the farms.
The agrovilles will contain hospitals
and dispensaries to serve the surrounding villages and from here
sanitation terms with doctors and mobile dispensaries will go out to the
farms and villages. They will also become educational centres for the
areas. Primary and Secondary Schools with boarding facilities w ill
afford the future generations of peasants' children the opportunities
for education of which they are now deprived.
The spread of urbanization is a
necessity for Pakistan and it is a fallacious belief that a
proportionately large agricultural population is an advantage. National
prosperity cannot increase unless agricultural per capita productivity
also increases. The goal to be attained, therefore, is the progressive
increase of' agricultural productivity and the utilization of the
surplus labour in the rural areas. The policy logically leads to the
spreading of urbanization. What has to be avoided is a drifting of the
surplus rural manpower to the large towns and the concentration of
industries in a few of them. .
e) Animal
Husbandry
The deficiency of milk, eggs and meat
in their diet seriously affects the health of our people and endangers
especially the mental and physical growth of the young. For years
meatless days in the week have been imposed In the larger cities of
Pakistan and yet the lifting of restrictions on the consumption of the
flesh of hoofed animals is now-here in sight. The restrictions prove
that the demand is there and that our agricultural economy as it is
constituted cannot meet it by increased production but only at the cost
of destroying its already insufficient cattle stock.
Cattle ranches and dairies will be
established in the form of state farms, social co-operative farms and
private farms. Since the production of animal proteins is most
economical achieved by raising poultry according to modern large-scale
standardized methods, poultry far-ms, either separately or within social
co-operatives, will be established m suitable localities all over the
country. The manufacture of equipment for cattle raising, dairies and
poultry farms will be carried out in Pakistan.
Some of the big land owners can be
partially compensated by allocation to them of land and facilities for
dairies and cattle and poultry breeding. Such ventures are profitable
without lending themselves to the exercise of feudal power.
f)
Afforestation
It is a fact established by long
experience and confirmed by scientific studies that in any sizeable
tract containing cultivable land a balance must be kept between the
extent of ploughed surface and that under tree cover, that is, between
arable and forest lands. If the correct balance is lost, when more land
is ploughed at the expense of thc wooded part, erosion, loss of top soil
blown away by wind, reduced fertility and, in some places, water-logging
and salinity are the result. It has been observed that the climate is
adversely affected and rainfall markedly diminished in those regions
where the annual rainfall is low, and, conversely, climatic conditions
improve in regions where re-afforestation has been done.
In West Pakistan the proportion of
forest land is only 2.5 as against the optimum lying between 20% and
25%. For centuries forests were being cut down for timber and fuel
without any attempt at re-plantation. The former precious timber wealth
of many mountain regions of our country has totally disappeared. Where
the plough has not done its destructive work, the habits of pastoral
tribes are inimical to the existence of trees.
It should be recognized that forests
are as necessary for efficient agriculture as they are valuable in
themselves as source of indispensable timber. The planting of forests
and woodlands will be scientifically distributed over the country, with
the aim of achieving finally the natural balance ratio. In both Wings
the destructive exploitation of forests will be stopped can
re-plantation of affected areas enforced.
The social co-operative farms will
have to contribute towards re-afforestation by setting aside the
necessary land for useful trees and supplying the required labour for
planting and tending the groves.
In some areas where forests are to be
grown ;and may be given on lease, as compensation, to dispossessed
land-owners for planting and tending exploiting the forests.
g) Special
Problems
It is recognized that conditions in
East Pakistan demand special attention. Being densely populated, the
rural areas there have a suburban aspect. Intensive cultivation is
therefore a possibility which will have to be kept in view.
It is imperative that irrigation,
drainage and flood control works are carried out on a vast scale. Large
parts of the province can be permanently protected against devastating
floods which take a heavy toll year after year. These areas can also be
provided with a permanent system of irrigation. In other areas the entry
and exit of annual inundating waters can be regulated through
constructing embankments and drainage works and also by scientific
regulation of the river channels so that crops can be raised without
danger from the presence of unwanted water. Through these means and
irrigation works the extent of areas lying under crops during the year,
can be doubled.
Large areas in the southern part of
East Pakistan can be reclaimed from the sea by the construction of
embankments. This will add materially to the agricultural productivity.
In West Pakistan a most serious menace
exists in the form of water-logging and salinity. Determined effort is
necessary to counter this scourge.
Ways and means on a vast scale,
as will be required for these works, will not be available without the
introduction of social co-operative farms and utilization through them
of the surplus manpower which would remain idle otherwise.
VII - PEOPLES
RIGHTS
a) Rights of
workers
The principle will be followed of
offering work to every able-bodied person according to his abilities and
qualifications, irrespective of class or origion when an industry is
nationalized, the capitalist may be given the opportunity, if he has
that ability, to continue in the enterprise as manager for director,
being suitably paid, and even allowed for the duration of his employment
a fixed share in the profits. Technical and skilled personnel will not
be adversely affected by nationalization. At the present moment, highly
qualified Pakistan’s are unable to find suitable jobs in industry or, if
they are employed, the are badly paid in comparison with poorly
qualified foreign technicians. Many a Pakistani has been compelled to
emigrate to find a job abroad because he could not earn his living by
the work he had learnt, even though highly qualified, in his own
country. This ‘brain drain’ is consequence of the inherent inefficiency
of our capitalist-owned industrial system and the high margin of profits
permitted to industrial magnates under the protection of government
policy.
The problem we shall have to face with
the introduction of a socialist policy will be of finding enough
qualified personnel to fill the technical posts and man the social
services. There will be more than enough work to do. The drive to
abolish illiteracy alone will absorb the services of educated men
temporarily out of a job, and many other avenues of employment will be
open.
The growth of trade-unionism and the
rights of trade unions will be promoted in all sectors of industry. ILO
standards will be enforced as the minimum necessary for the protection
of the workers. Since all the important large-scale industries will be
nationalized, it will be possible to offer the workers genuine
participation in enjoying the fruits of industrial production.
Participation of workers and technicians in factory management will be
progressively introduced.
As a necessary part of their
employment in factories, the workers must be provided with housing and
adequate means of transportation to their places of work. They will
entitled to paid holidays, and recreation camps will be opened where
they can spend their holidays in healthy surroundings. They will have
the right to training facilities for improving their skills. Hospitals
and free medical attention will be incorporated in the system of works
welfare. Workers colonies will be provided whilst they are away from
home. The education facilities for working class children will include a
system of scholarships for higher education in technical colleges and
universities. Provisions will be made for old-age pensions and homes for
disabled and pensioned workers.
A system of minimum wages, reckoned
according to the cost of living, will be enforced both in the public and
the private sector.
b) Local Self
– Government
By this we mean local self-government
in the accepted sense of the management of local affairs by elected
representatives of the citizens living within the area. The so-called
system of basic democratic introduced by Ayub Kkhan was a perversion of
local self-government, being meant to bolster up the edifice of corrupt
dictatorship. Local bodies under the socialist regime will comprise
urban municipalities and agglomeration, in convenient sizes. Of rural
areas corresponding somewhat to district councils. Cooperative farms
will be represented in such agrarian local bodies, which will have more
or less the same responsibilities as the type of local self-government
commonly in vogue in advanced countries. For example, they will look
after schools, sanitation, health facilities, drainage, public parks,
roads, water supply, and similar responsibilities.
Even before the goal of socialism is
attained, the party will have measures of reforms carried through in the
existing local self government bodies-municipalities, district councils,
etc. The reforms will be orientated towards obtaining the maximum direct
participation of citizens in all local self-government bodies. The
larger municipalities will be divided into either smaller independent
municipalities or sub-municipal with each sub-municipal body having it
own town hall. A local body proposing action affecting citizens within
its area must consult the majority of the inhabitants and not only the
elected members. Rules in various matters requiring consultation will be
suitably framed. For example, change of street names will be illegal
unless it follows a 6~month notice to the citizens and public discussion
of the proposal, not only through the medium of the Press and radio but
also in public meetings. All municipal bodies will be compelled to give
wide publicly to deliberations of all matters that come before them.
Twice annually, each local body must hold a public meeting, open to all
voters within its jurisdiction, to render an account of its actions and
to listen to the views of the public. The mandate of members of local
bodies shall always be revokable any time by the electors.
In respect of services, such as the
supply of water and removal of garbage, no dues may be collected unless
the service is rendered. Disputes in respect of local taxation will come
under the jurisdiction of administrative courts.
Town planning is much talked of in
Pakistan but has been disgracefully neglected. Th e great city of
Karachi is an instance of how corruption has deprived its citizens of
the amenities which are a necessary part of civic life. Sites meant for
public parks have been given away to private persons. The management of
housing societies has been m most instances grossly corrupt.
Lands meants for public amenities
which have been wrongfully given away will be resumed and those
responsible will be punished according to law. Not only in government
administration but also in local bodies and housing societies corruption
has to be stamped out. We will not allow persons who have wrongfully
acquired property meant for public use to remain in enjoyment of their
ill-gotten gains. Special commissions to investigate the affairs of
municipalities, autonomous bodies like the KDA and CDA, housing
societies and organizations connected with town planning will be
appointed and special tribunals to try the guilty.
c)
Administrative Reforms
The present system of administration
is a legacy of colonial rule, to which it was, in its time, well
adopted. Even in respect of honesty the administration was found to
function well when it was watched and controlled from outside. Whatever
modifications have been introduced they have been done to meet the needs
of the rising indigenous capitalist class and to promote the interests
of groups that were acquiring wealth by holding the levers of power
within government and administration. The administration then became its
own master. But this could happen only by forming alliance with the
capitalists who were eager to obtain privileges for exploitation.
The socialist measures will cut at the
root of the corrupt side of administration. The socialist regime will
need a different structure of administration, and the socialist society,
when it comes into being, will itself create the necessary structure.
The problem of reforms for the present one is only for the interim
period; but this is an urgent matter the reforms will have to be made
effective as early as possible. One of the necessary measures is to make
the official personally more responsible for his actions, especially in
matters relating to his dealings with the public. The present rule of
anonymity will have to be drastically modified.
In disputes between departments and
the public the Administrative Courts will have jurisdiction; for
example, a private party can sue the department in an administrative
court for damages caused by official delay; a contractor may sue the
government in such a court for obtaining his dues. The administrative
courts are, perhaps, the very best method of putting an end to
corruption in government and the harassment of the public by government
officials. If delay and inefficiency become justiciable, their incidence
will derease.
d) Minorities
All citizen of Pakistan, irrespective
of religious belief, race or colour, shall enjoy equal political rights,
protection before the law, access to occupation of public office, and
shall not be discriminated against in any manner in respect of
employment.
e)
Administrative Courts and Ombudsmen
For the protection of the citizens
against administrative wrongs, a system of administrative courts and
administrative law will be established. Furthermore, the functioning of
the administration in respect of its contacts with the public will be
constantly supervised by Ombudsmen.
f) Jail
Reforms
The people’s movement of overthrow
Ayub Khan’s dictatorship resulted in the imprisonment of large numbers
of honest men and women, most of whom for the first time saw the
interior of Pakistani jail. The prisons were already overcrowded, and
the influx of political prisoners made conditions no better. The
political prisoners were in many cases subjected to ill-treatment and
hardships. They could see for themselves also how inhuman the treatment
of other types of prisoners could be in a Pakistani jail. Having had
experience of what was happening in the jails, they could reveal to the
public, when they were freed, the use of torture, the deaths of
prisoners under torture, and the whipping of trade union leaders and
political workers.
In the jails, corruption flourshies
unchecked. All the official regulations about jail inspection were
proved to be completely ineffective. The sanitary conditions in the
jails are indescribably bad, although it is obligatory on the government
to keep up the correct standards in this respect and there is no lack of
manpower within the walls. Medical attention is perfunctory. All the
cells are infested with vermin, and noting is done to get rid of them.
The food is inadequate and bad because most of the official grant is
misappropriated by the jail officials. The treatment of the common
prisoners is based purely upon brutality, with the result that even the
first offender comes out a hardened criminal. Besides the use of
torture, which is common in such jails, political prisoners have been
subjected to solitary confinement extending beyond the prescribed period
recognized as humanly permissible.
The jails will be drastically
reformed. In respect of treatment of criminals a distinction will be
made between hardened criminals, who have committed serious crimes, and
first offenders, to make affective the reformatory work. Emphasis will
be laid upon teaching prisoners useful and proper habits of living,
which means a training in hygiene and self-respect.
g) Abolition
of "Jirga" System
Under Ayub Khan’s regime, a systematic
attempt was made to pervert and destroy the civilized procedures of
dispensing justice by spreading the "Jirga" system, a most primitive
method of trial, in which the most elementary notions of fairness and
legality are disregarded. Its object has been to give the administration
a weapon for harassing or convicting innocent people. The Jirga system
will be abolished. The normal system of criminal and civil courts will
be introduced in the tribal areas also, so that the administration of
justice may become uniform throughout the country.
h) Abolition
of Honours
All honors and decorations of a
civilian nature awarded to Pakistani citizens by all previous regimes
will be revoked, and the prevailing system of honours and decorations
abolished. Not before 5 years’ after a democratic constitution has been
brought into force and the basic reforms carried out, shall the question
of instituting awards for meritorious achievements be considered.
j) Princely
State
No region of Pakistan will be
permitted to be governed in the manner of a princely state. All
political agencies will be brought in line with the general legal
administration of the rest of Pakistan.
Without prejudice to the right
of self-determination of the people of the state of Jammu and Kashmir,
the government of Pakistan will kept them to abolish princely rule that
still exists on their territory in the parts protected by Pakistan.
VIII - EDUCATION AND CULTURE
a) Educational
Goals
Under the regime of exploitation which
has governed Pakistan all these year, education and culture occupied no
place except as adjuncts at the service of the propertied classes. The
neglect of education was a logical consequence of the economic policy
pursued. Education cannot be put off untill the day when the country
becomes prosperous, because general economic prosperity itself depends
upon the spread of literacy and the raising of the educational level.
Along with the neglect to expand
education, there has been a complete collapse in the functioning of the
existing educational institutions. Educational students have steadily
declined to the point when today a Pakistani university degree has lost
its value as academic qualification. It is a very grave situation. Not
only the work of spreading literacy must be carried out, as a basic
effort, but the whole educational system has at the same time to be
reformed.
Educational goals have to be defined
afresh. The basic problem of education is that younger generations have
to be prepared not merely to understand the universe around them but to
alter it. They must acquire a deep comprehension of the nature of social
change and of inexorable process of history. Not only that they must be
armed with scientific tools to unravel the mysteries of observable
phenomenon but also they must have intellectual integrity and courage to
accept the truth as it emerges before their eyes.
In order to create a truly classless
society it is imperative that the horizons of the seekers of knowledge
should encompass society as a whole. Their vision must not be narrowed
down to that of the proverbial frog in the well. We must reject the
conception fostered by the capitalist system that higher education must
confine itself to narrow specialization. The capitalist system that
higher education must confine itself to narrow specialization. The
capitalistic system has an interest in this sort of fragmentation of
learning because it is able thereby to prevent the intellectuals from
questioning the validity of the prevailing system of political and
economic values.
In our present society there is a
noticeable resistance to learning, the causes of which are complex but
lie in the nature of the social system. The curricula of the university
and college courses will have to be thoroughly revised and the divorce
between the universities and the life of the people ended. Apart from
compulsory military training, which will begin already at the secondary
school stage, the student will have to spend a specified period doing
national service in labour corps, in fields and towns.
Properly speaking, education should
begin in the cradle. The moral collapse and intellectual sterility of
our society is greatly due to the repressive en environment in which
children are brought up. Their minds get no opportunities for exercising
the intellectual faculties. The children must be helped. A way in which
the State can do it is to provide the opportunities for the children to
exercise their minds in play: The Pakistani child does not get enough
toys. It is known that toys of certain types contribute to mental
development. Toy factories will be established by the state and their
products sold cheap at subsidized rates or given free to the children of
poor parents. I t will be incumbent upon every locality, village or
urban, to provide open and sheltered playgrounds for children.
b) Primary and
Secondary Education
Education will be free up to
matriculation and primary education will be compulsory and free. A
5-year programme will be formulated by the end of which all the
necessary schools must be built and the primary school teachers trained.
Free housing will be provided for such teachers, and their children will
be exempted from secondary school boarding fees if they opt for the
profession of teaching.
More secondary schools must also be
established, with the aim that in due course education will become
compulsory upto a prescribed age and level of secondary school
education. The children who do exceptionally well as the top of the
primary schools will be granted scholarships for studying in secondary
schools, and for this purpose special regard will be paid to the
children of working class parents. In the secondary schools, the
elements of manual skill must also be taught alongside book learning.
There will also be educational institutions classified as secondary
schools for various branches of artisan training.
Among the compulsory subjects in
school, mathematics will be accorded the place of honour and taught by
the most scientific modern methods. Mathematics is the basis of all
science and technology and it is necessary that its foundations should
be laid early in the minds of the students. Moreover, this discipline
more than any other develops the power of rational thinking.
c) Higher
Education
The institutions of higher learning,
as now constituted and operated, are the product of the ordinances
promulgated to enforce the notorious educational "reforms" hatched by
the last regime. The universities of today are in the image of the
despotic rule of Ayub Khan. All the evils of his system stand
transferred in the educational field in the present shape of the
universities. The vice-chancellor, advised by foreign "experts",
assisted by rubber-stamping syndicates,
aided by educational bureaucracy and
blue-eyed favorites, helped by police, is on a rampage to exploit the
students of awarding them worthless degrees and diplomas and
impoverishing their parents. This must change. The universities have to
be reorganized on the principles enunciated in the foregoing.
The students and teachers must work in
full academic freedom. The students must be allowed pertinent choice in
the affairs of the university, which in its turn must be answerable to
representatives of the people.
The imperialist, colonialist and
neocolonialist influences must be wiped out from our institutions.
Not only through the schools but also
by general effort to bring to the consciousness of the masses the
importance of cultural values can the general cultural level be raised.
Such an effort must include the protection and promotion of regional
languages and local cultures.
d) Freedom of
Conscience, Freedom of Thought, Freedom of Expression
Thought cannot be divorced from
expression. The freedom of conscience and freedom of thought imply the
freedom of expressing in public what one believes and thinks even if
what is said or written goes against the beliefs and prejudices of
others. There is no meaning in talking of such freedom and at the same
time insisting that only accepted beliefs may be expressed. The very
basis of toleration is preparedness to bear contrary opinions. Bigotry
is an insult to faith and intelligence alike.
It can be shown from the history of
Muslim peoples that their civilization declined into intellectual
sterility because dogmatic fanaticism obtained ascendancy. This type of
insensate intolerance has been imposed upon the people of Pakistan by
governments indifferent or hostile to the intellectual welfare of the
people. Our governments have too readily yielded to the blackmail of
ignorant bigots.
The nation has been intellectually
blindfolded by class interests which do not want our people to think for
them-selves. The bunkers put upon the nation by dictatorial government
will be removed.
No book shall be proscribed
merely on the ground that its contents differ from the tenets or beliefs
of any religion or faith. liberal policy will be followed with regard to
the importation of books. The censorship of true news items will be
disallowed; we ought to know not only the pleasant things about
ourselves but also the unpleasant facts. We must stop thinking of
ourselves as condemned to perpetual immaturity of mind under the
tutelage of guardians.
IX - NATIONAL HEALTH
a) The Present
State
In respect of public health facilities
Pakistan is one of the most backward countries of the world. Diseases,
malnutrition, environmental insanitation and squalor take an
extraordinarily heavy toll of human life year by year. Microbial
diseases, like typhoid, cholera, small-pox, malaria, tuberculosis, which
have been wiped out from most of the underdeveloped countries, are still
rampant in Pakistan.
Half of the Pakistani population is
destined to die before reaching the age of 16. Nowhere else in the world
so many mothers die as they do in 'Pakistan during and immediately after
childbirth.
The poor are the worst sufferers. For
only about 15% of the population are there available any sort of
curative or diagnostic facilities. The cost of medicines is beyond the
reach of most and even the middle classes are hardly able to pay for
essential life-saving drugs.
There are many preventable diseases
whose control is easy but which today cause immense suffering and
economic harm. Over one per cent of the Pakistani population is blind.
Three out of four persons in the region5 of Sind and Baluchistan suffer
from trachoma, a disease which can lead to blindness is not treated.
Ten per cent of the population suffer
from some mental defect, ranging from idiocy and raving madness to loss
of mental equilibrium. Malnutrition and inattention at child-birth are
causes of much brain damage.
Existing health laws are antiquated
and need complete revision or replacement by modern enactment.
b) Health
Policy and Targets
The policy of the Pakistan People's
Party in matters of national health is guided by the following
considerations:
a. Enjoyment of good health is
the fundamental right of every citizen of Pakistan.
b. The State shall ensure
protection of all its citizens from communicable diseases.
c. The State
shall ensure protection of all its citizens, particularly children and
youth, against preventable conditions such as environmental pollution,
maternal deaths, accidents, etc.
d. The State shall pay special
attention to the health of youth and working population and shall take
concrete steps to increase their physical, mental and social
efficiency.
e. The State shall arrange to
provide medical care and rehabilitation facilities for all those who
are physically disabled.
f. The State shall pay special
attention to the mentally ill and the mentally handicapped.
The following objectives will be aimed
at:
1. To increase life expectancy
in Pakistan from the present 33 to 60 years within a generation.
2. The reduce within ten years
child mortality between the ages of 1 and 5 from the 35% to 7.5%.
3. Complete
eradication within ten years of microbial diseases such as TB,
cholera, small-pox, typhoid, malaria, typhus, rabies, leprosy.
The health programme will
include the provision and improvement of hospitals, the enforcement of
measures to improve sanitation in towns and villages, the local
manufacture of as many essential drugs as possible, health care of
school children and, where malnutrition is present, the supply of
balancing diets in the schools.
X - NATIONAL
DEFENCE
The shortcomings of our system of
military defence must be made good. Since previous governments have not
taken the trouble of establishing an infra-structure of heavy industries
comprising the production of iron and steel, the manufacture of machine
tools and the working o£ non- ferrous metals, we are dependent today
upon foreign countries for the importation of most types of weapons and
military equipment. The greater number of weapons used by the defence
forces are capable of being manufactured in Pakistan itself.
The socialist regime will establish an
armaments industry adequate fox national requirements. For this purpose
the basic industries will have to be established first. For example, the
production of steel of the qualities required facilities for
manufacturing machine tools and heavy chemicals, plants for the
production of chemicals used in the making of explosives. The
manufacture of vehicles and motors will be undertaken. It ought to be
possible to meet the military requirements of vehicles, even of armoured
types, from local production, except for such as axe of special nature
and whose production will not repay the trouble. The manufacture of
ballistic and guided missiles will form part of the armaments programmes.
Pakistan will develop its nuclear
capability to prepare for all eventualities.
The defence of East Pakistan will bc
strengthened by the establishment there of adequate military
installations for ground forces, the air force and the navy, and the
stationing in the country of the requisite military personnel so that
any attempt a t aggression from outside can be both repulsed and
punished.
The Party insists upon:
The right of every man to bear arms to
protect his own life and the life and honour of his family;
(b) and his right to defend his
against foreign aggression.
A ‘Peoples Army’ will be created
in all regions of the country. This will offer the substitute for the
defence in depth which is geographically lacking. The existence of a
people's is the best deterrent to foreign aggression.
XI - THE CONSTITUTION
a) The
Constitution
The legal framework of a constitution
can guarantee no progress if it is made in the interest of the ruling
classes. A constitution, even if democratic m form, will remain in
effective unless it promotes the conditions for pr ogress and creates
the institutions necessary- for the purpose. The Party's conception of a
Progressive constitution includes:-
(a) full democracy
(b) parliamentary Government
(c) federal
system
(d) the extension of local self
government
(e) guarantee of the freedom of
conscience.
Under any constitution the unity of
the country can be preserved only on the condition that the economy of
the country is not fragmented, and a uniformity of the legal system
prevails throughout the republic. There must be no privileged and
retarded areas. The areas under tribal regime must be absorbed within
the general system. Human rights shall be expressly guaranteed m the
constitution. Women will have equal rights with men and will be eligible
for every post of authority, including the posts of president and prime
minister. The minimum age for voting and election to parliament,
municipalities and all local self-government bodies wil be 18 years for
both sexes.
b) Reform of
the Electoral System
The existing electoral system is a
most efficient mechanism for giving preponderance to the propertied
classes in parliament. The cost of fighting an election is high which in
no case can be afforded by a poor candidate unless he is supported by
rich patrons with ample private means.
Another defect, equally serious, of
this system inherited from the British lies in its entire emphasis on
the influence and power the candidate personally wields in his
constituency and relegation to the background of the political ideas he
is supposed to be upholding. The fight, in the rural areas particularly,
is between local bosses. In such circumstances a political party's
programme loses its meaning. The electoral system has been one of the
principal causes of the political failures since the beginning of
Pakistan.
The electoral system will be so
reformed as to give primacy to political programmes. This will be done
by introducing the system of voting for party lists and not for
individual candidates. The number of candidates elected in each party
will be proportionate to the total number of valid votes cast. In the
case of the National Assembly the total valid votes cast means the total
in the whole country, both Wrings together. In the case of the
Provincial Assemblies the total refers, of course, to each province
respectively.
In this system it will depend upon the
political party concerned how its candidates are placed in respect of
priority in its list. If only rich men are at the head, or only men from
a certain class, the voters will know at once what class interests that
party actually represents, whatever be its published programme. Since
the local boss cannot by merely spending money hope to get elected,
unless his name stands high on his party's list, election expen |